From the oppressed woman to the angry Arab: the myths that Arabs face in Canada

by Yasmeen Atassi

Ranging from comics of angry Arab jihadists, to depictions of the sheltered and sexualized harem women in Aladdin, stereotypes and comical perceptions of Arabs and the Arab world exist so deeply in the fabric of consumption across the world. Though some of these depictions come off as harmless, they actually reflect a normalized prejudice that has grown into violent, normalized hatred. Hatred and prejudice often stem from the willful ignorance and misunderstanding of a group of people. Anti-Arab racism, too, does not stray far away from this realization, and the misconceptions that define prejudice against Arabs largely reflect this. Here is a list of nine myths that Arabs in the diaspora face when trying to integrate into Canada:

  1. Arabs are all the same (i.e. different languages, cultures, ethnicities, and intersectionality of Blackness, Jewishness, etc) → misconceptions about identity and the meaning of Arab-ness. Where does this difficulty in differentiation exist the most?

  2. There is no Arab world (i.e. the landscape of Arab peoples, their histories, inventors) → that relates to the previous point about the ignorance towards the area and its people as a whole → particularly exists in the case of Palestine. This points to the different ways that Anti-Arab racism manifests itself in relation to broader affairs that concern Arabs. 

  3. The Angry Arab (i.e. debunking the over-zealous, irrational, and “too” passionate) 

  4. All Arabs are Muslim (i.e. beyond the lens of Islam) → ignorance of the diversity of Arabs again. 

  5. The fixed, immutable Arab (i.e. problematic media depictions, fixations of Arabs beyond business people)

  6. The uncivilized Arab (i.e. existed alongside Indigenous peoples, developed partnerships and relations in historically contributing to what is known as Canada today) 

  7. The oppressed, fetishized woman (i.e. feminist lens, cultural framework, and critical readings to dismantling notions around “powerless”, “submissive” and/or ‘exotic” woman

  8. The Heterosexual Arab (i.e. homosexuality and other gender identities and orientations exist in the Arab world, and there is support and solidarity work being done)

  9. The Integrated Arab (i.e. refugees, newcomers, and the resettlement processes around integration in Canada, experiences of assimilation, and narratives of resilience)

Stereotypes and myths against racial, ethnic, gender, and religious identities stand as an avenue for the dissemination of hatred and aggression from one group to another. These myths, particularly those used to label and define Arabs, depend on preconceived notions and deliberate ignorance of a majority over a minority group. Downplayed as negative media perceptions, these myths perpetuate harmful expectations about a community that has persevered and struggled to create a space for themselves at home and in the Diaspora. Largely focused on the erasure of intersectional identity, these myths take away the diversity of the Arab community and lump them into categories that are not only false, but also rely on images perpetuated by unequal power structures of influence against the Arab populus.

The angry jihadist, the oppressed woman, the heterosexual Arab shackled by religion; just three of many stereotypes conjured by those with limited exposure to Arab communities across Canada. The most common myths used to discredit Arab individuals rely on a generalization of character and individuality. Not only are these perceptions flawed, but they disparage the struggle and success of the Arabs that have overcome difficulty in entrepreneurship, education, and migration. By setting up an image of an Arab personality that precedes any interaction with an individual of Arab origin, it sets them up for failure through preconceived biases. 

Where do these stereotypes come from?

Many of the stereotypes that plague Arabs across the globe have emerged because of political discourse in the 20th and 21st centuries. And though this political discourse exists as part of a much larger global system, the occurrence of historically transformative events such as WW1 and 9/11 have become relative to the shift in narrative against Arabs everywhere. The image of the uncivilized Arab, for example, can be traced back to the years surrounding the fall of the Ottoman Empire and the emergence of the Modern ‘Middle East’. The almost 100 years since this occurrence shows the long, long timeline of emerging stereotypes against the Arab people, beginning with their indigeneity to West Asia and the Mediterranean. The myth of the uncivilized Arab emerges through the lens of colonialism and has, therefore, been maintained for decades, even though the nations of the Arab World reflect thriving economies and growing infrastructure that host diverse communities of Arabs and foreigners alike. With the Arab Diaspora growing across the globe, particularly in North America, being labeled as uncivilized while they make major contributions to these nations only overshadows their resilience and efforts. 

One of the other most prevalent discourses created against the Arab community is the perception of the Arab Woman and her autonomy --or lack thereof. Falsely viewed as the oppressed, sheltered, and incapable half of the Arab community, Arab women are often faced with the challenge of correcting these perceptions and replacing them with visions of success and autonomy. Though a potentially empowering process, it often results in work that comes at the cost of these women’s existence. This myth of oppression, and the fetishization that emerged from it, places more hurdles and challenges on Arab women as they are forced not only to navigate success as a racialized minority, but also as a gendered minority. Through the lens of the West, the Oppressed Arab woman was in need of a savior; one who might take the shape of an American soldier. This fantasy of saviourism and fetishization is not new, though, as it has been a present part of the Western Orientalist discourse that painted women in the Harem, exclusively through the gaze of the Western man. 

The most troubling thing about this myth is its ahistorical origin and disregard for major feminist movements in the Arab world. Beginning from early on in the 20th century, women of the Arab world, particularly in Egypt, have campaigned for their rights to vote and to participate in the workforce. Arab women such as Leila Ahmed and Margot Badran, regardless of religious identity, have had a notable presence in the Arab world and abroad as is demonstrated through their contributions to literature, art, medicine, and many other fields. Though there exists gender imbalances in Arab nations—like all other nations on the globe—that does not overshadow their fight for gender equality, neither does it justify the stereotype of oppression that knows no ethnic or geographic origin.

This misconception about gender relations in the Arab world is also coupled with a misunderstanding of Arab sexuality and sexual identity as myths about blanket heterosexuality are forced onto Arab communities both in the homeland and in the Diaspora. Arabs are a nuanced, sexually diverse minority that share the struggles of many other LGBT+ groups. Whether these LGBT+ movements emerged more recently in the Diaspora or during the Nahda of the 20th century, queerness (both male, female, and non-binary) have had a notable presence in Arab communities. More often than not, these movements of accepting gender and sexual diversity also lead other movements of social justice for the betterment of the Arab society and community. More recently in 2004, members of the Lebanese queer diaspora established a satellite organizations for Helem - an LGBT+ rights organizaing - in  Montreal. The organization continues its work as a centre for community support for all queers of Arab descent living in Canada. 

With these negative, overgeneralized perceptions of Arabs comes the complete erasure of diverse Arab identity through stereotypes that completely refuse to acknowledge the existence of an Arab homeland. The erasure of a geographic location’s entire ethnographic ties and history not only complicates the identification as an Arab, but it also makes the fight against Anti-Arab racism more difficult. Without recognition of the identity that Arabs fight for, the attack on their claims becomes easier for those prejudiced against us.

Arabs make up one of the most diverse groups of semitic people in the world. They span race, ethnicity, religious identity, gender identity, and much more. But the reach of anti-Arab racism feeds off of the erasure of these distinctions and creates a narrative of monotony and uniformity that makes the expression of this diversity more difficult. By addressing the roots of myths that amplify this uniformity, and instead pursuing the awareness of true Arab identities in the homeland and in the Diaspora, the roots of Anti-Arab racism will hopefully begin to crumble as well.


Canadian Arab Institute